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Sunday, 19 January 2025 02:52 posted by riches777
Kuwait attack shows Gulf vulnerability to Islamic State
By REUTERS
Published: 17:30 GMT, 29 June 2015 | Updated: 17:
30 GMT, 29 June 2015
e-mail
By Angus McDowall
KUWAIT, June 29 (Reuters) - By sending a Saudi Arabian suicide bomber to Kuwait and recruiting local members of a
stateless underclass to help him attack a Shi'ite Muslim mosque, an Islamic State cell struck at
the Gulf Arab monarchy's most potent internal divisions.
Relations have traditionally been good between the 70 percent of Kuwait's 1.4 million citizens who are Sunni
and the Shi'ites who make up 30 percent, but regional rivalry between Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shi'ite Iran has opened some fissures.
The country, home to the region's most open Arab society, is also divided
between descendents of its original townsfolk and those of Bedouin tribes, between Islamists and liberals and between rich and poor.
For decades, Kuwait's ruling Al Sabah family has played
the social, religious and political groupings off against each other, say critics, while sidelining injustices such
as the plight of over 130,000 stateless "bidoon", meaning "without".
Islamic State is adept at exploiting vulnerabilities with its violently puritanical
message and call to an Islamist utopia, a tactic it could use in other Gulf
Arab states where despite great wealth, bitter inequalities
persist.
But while many Kuwaitis say they hope the government will respond to this challenge by addressing internal problems and maintaining its open tradition, they fret it will instead
follow the authoritarian lead of the biggest Gulf state, Saudi Arabia.
"Now there is a lot of fear after this action that the government will take more measures regarding more security, more limits of rights," said Mohammed
al-Dallal, a former member of parliament with the Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated Islamic Constitutional Movement.
Friday's attack, which killed 27 and injured more than 200, put Kuwait on the front line of a jihadist
problem that has been aggravated in its neighbour Iraq by the tussle for
regional dominance between Saudi Arabia and Iran.
Kuwait is a rare island of open debate in the Gulf, with elected MPs who
can challenge the ruling family's appointed government and a tradition of free debate that allows critics to
publicly question both the state and regional heavyweights.
TRIBESMEN AND SALAFISTS
This diversity has carried a political price, as the Al Sabah dynasty has often taken advantage of splits to better maintain its rule, giving or withholding patronage
to prevent any one group from growing powerful enough to threaten its primacy.
In recent years, seemingly urged on by Gulf allies, it has grown less tolerant of dissent, jailing citizens for tweets critical of the Al Sabah and changing electoral laws in ways critics say
make it harder for the opposition to win a majority in parliament.
What some fear is that the government will now become the last member
of the Gulf Cooperation Council, which also includes Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, the United
Arab Emirates and Oman, to approve a security agreement that could
limit rights.
Drive up the highway west out of Kuwait City, through
dowdy suburbs and large open areas of scrub trees intersected by electricity pylons,
and you pass first the bidoon area of Sulaibiya and eventually the tribal district
of al-Jahra.
The houses are smaller and shabbier than in Kuwait's inner city where the scions of wealthy
merchants, both Sunni and Shi'ite, and the professional classes,
make their lives.
Many bidoon are descendents of Bedouin nomads from inside Kuwait
who failed to register with the authorities when its borders were set 50 years ago, while others are more
recent undocumented migrants from Iraq seeking access to its riches.
At least two of the suspects Kuwait has detained after Friday's attack are from this
disenfranchised community, as was the Iraq-born father of Mohammed al-Emwazi,
known in the West as Islamic State's beheader of hostages,
Jihadi John.
"Islamic State will find some angry people because of some social issues. I think number one is the bidoon," said Dallal,
describing the issue as a "time bomb".
Kuwait's Bedouin tribes, while much better off than the bidoon, have historically been looked down on by cityfolk,
who often regarded them as unsophisticated,
while they in turn often decried the cosmopolitan urbanites as
irreligious.
It was among these groups that Salafism, the ultra-strict strain of Sunni Islam native to Saudi Arabia, has thrived in Kuwait, with its sympathy for tribal traditions, its egalitarian approach
to those within its fold and intolerance of
Shi'ism.
Fuhaid al-Humailan, spokesman for a Bedouin Salafi party, condemned Friday's bombing, but then quickly turned to what he described as the terrorism perpetrated
by the West and Shi'ite Iran against Arab Sunnis as representing
Kuwait's main threat.
NATIONAL UNITY
In the 1980s, the government encouraged Salafists as a counterweight to the Muslim Brotherhood and the movement has grown ever since, becoming a force that held many seats in the last parliament and has mobilised young people on the
street.
Although the Muslim Brotherhood has held fundraising events for rebels in Syria,
providing cash that the West believes may have gone to
militants, it is Salafists whose ties to jihadist groups most worry Kuwaiti liberals and Shi'ites.
"Salafist extremism existed in Kuwait a long time ago. But the government gave us deaf ears. They didn't listen until this tragedy happens," said
Ali al-Baghli, a liberal former oil minister at a diwaniya, as Kuwaitis call their nightly salons.
As Shi'ite victims were buried on Saturday, Kuwait's flag
hung at half mast by the emir's seafront palace and condolences were heard in the Sunni Grand Mosque.
Shi'ites at the funeral, the men and women sipping thimbles of tea at
the salon held at a liberal political society and
Islamists in a Bedouin district outside Kuwait City all commended their ruler, Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmed al-Sabah, for visiting the bomb site within an hour of the attack.
Yet despite the emotional pledges of unity and allegiance, few people said
they expected meaningful changes in how the Al Sabah handled the grievances Islamic State
exploited, and still fewer seemed to agree on what changes, if any, should be made.
(Editing by William Maclean and Philippa Fletcher) -
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