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Hoffmann noticed that a lot of of those people who grew to become ideological collaborators
were being landowners and aristocrats, "the cream of the best of the civil assistance, of the armed forces, of the company group," individuals who perceived on their own as element
of a natural ruling class that experienced been unfairly deprived
of energy under the left-wing governments of France in the nineteen thirties.
Equally enthusiastic to collaborate ended up their polar opposites, the "social misfits and political deviants" who would, in the standard system of
situations, by no means have built prosperous occupations of any variety.
The late Harvard scholar Stanley Hoffmann experienced firsthand information of the issue-as a boy or girl,
he and his mother hid from the Nazis in Lamalou-les-Bains, a
village in the south of France. But he was modest about his personal conclusions,
noting that "a very careful historian would have-nearly-to generate a big sequence of case histories for there look to have been virtually as several collaborationisms as there ended up proponents or practitioners of collaboration." Still,
Hoffmann manufactured a stab at classification, commencing with a division of collaborators into
"voluntary" and "involuntary." Many men and women in the latter team experienced no option. Since the Second
World War, historians and political researchers have tried to make clear why some men and women in serious
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